Utah Asks U.S. to Return 20 Million Acres of Land
Erin Hooley for The New York Times
By KIRK JOHNSON
Published: March 23, 2012
DENVER — The conservative political movement that has rallied behind the
cry of states’ rights in recent years on fronts including immigration and health care is now focusing its energies on a much older question in the American West: public lands.
On Friday, Gov. Gary R. Herbert of Utah, a Republican, signed into law House Bill 148.
It asks the federal government, which owns a majority of the land in
the state, to give back more than 20 million acres. A similar measure,
passed by the Arizona Senate last month, is awaiting further action in
the Capitol in Phoenix. Bills patterned after Utah’s are being prepared
for filing next year in Colorado, Idaho, Montana and New Mexico,
lawmakers involved in the effort said.
Utah is also preparing lawsuits, for filing as early as next month, to
reclaim thousands of sections of road that cross federal lands but that
the state argues should properly be the province of the states and
counties.
“This is not your father’s sagebrush rebellion,” said State
Representative Ken Ivory, a Republican and chief sponsor of the Utah
bill, referring to the wave of antifederal protests that rippled through
the West in the 1960s and ’70s. “There are very sound legal bases for
doing this.”
The federal government, Mr. Ivory and other proponents said, reneged on
Congressional promises going back to the 1800s, which held that
Washington’s control of tens of millions of acres in the West in
national forests, rangelands and parks was only temporary. That pledge,
they say, was written into contractual obligations in the founding
documents of many states, and was followed through in some places but
not others. The Midwest and Plains states, for example, are now almost
entirely private lands, but hop a meridian or two west and the picture
changes completely.
In some ways, theirs is an old claim — and critics say a musty one to
boot. From the 1940s, when ranchers fumed over Franklin D. Roosevelt’s
new rules about the grazing of cattle on federal land, to the 1960s and
’70s, when Nevada rose up to fight federal control over most of the
state’s lands, periodic waves of anti-Washington vitriol have flamed in
legislatures and courthouses in resentment of control by far-away
bureaucrats.
Those past efforts invariably went nowhere, falling to legal precedent
and federal Constitutional provisions that say Congress holds all the
cards when it comes to federal lands. Many legal experts say they expect
the same result this time. The Utah Office of Legislative Research and
General Counsel, which analyzes proposed legislation, told lawmakers
that United States Supreme Court decisions in public lands cases going back to the 1870s gave H.B. 148, “a high probability of being declared unconstitutional.”
Proponents said the new front line is different — in its legal
arguments, based on the language under which states were granted their
founding charters, its scope in aiming to advance across multiple states
on an allied front, and the context of a judicial landscape, including
the current mix of justices on the Supreme Court, which believers say
seems more receptive to states’ rights assertions and skeptical of
federal authority.
Mr. Ivory, the author of Utah’s bill, said the great bulwark defense of
the federal public lands in the past has been that they are the property
of all Americans — resources of national importance. But the opposite
point, he said, is also perhaps more true and glaring than ever — that
more intensive economic development on public lands should be of
national value as well.
“If we unleash those resources in a responsible, sustainable manner,
that’s a matter of national employment,” Mr. Ivory said. “That’s a
matter of national economic G.D.P. growth; that’s a matter of national
deficit and debt reduction.”
Election-year politics is adding further fuel. Mr. Herbert, who is
running for election for the first time — he took office in 2009,
filling a vacancy — is trying to fend off a political challenge from his
right, led by Tea Party
groups in Utah, and is facing his party’s convention next month. And
the national debate over energy and gas prices, which are becoming an
element in the presidential election, has also sharpened proponents’
arguments.
“If you look at a map of the United States, all the states in the East
are private land,” said Al Melvin, a Republican state senator who
sponsored the bill in Arizona,
where the federal government owns 48 percent of the land. “That’s why
many of them are doing so well — it’s private land in Texas and North
Dakota where they’re drilling for oil and fracking for gas,” he added. “The 50 states are separate but not equal.”
Legal experts said the problem for the new state claims was that
Congressional authority over federal land had been upheld over and over
by the United States Supreme Court. If property rights are the issue
being raised, many experts said, proponents of the new land drive are
facing traditions and precedents that run deep in the law and culture.
“The core of it is that if somebody said to you, ‘You don’t own your
house, I do,’ you would pull out a deed — that’s what the federal
government will do,” said Professor Charles F. Wilkinson, who teaches
federal public land law at the University of Colorado.
But Professor Wilkinson said the proponents have hit the nail on an
issue that in many ways did create two different halves of the nation —
the private-property states and the public-lands states — with tensions
that have never really been resolved. “Should the United States
government continue to own so much in this capitalist society?” he said.
“That question has never gone away.”
What happened in the West is partly that the landscape was just
different from the beginning. Huge stretches of mountain terrain and
parched desert did not lend themselves to successful homesteading, which
tidied up the East and Great Plains states in mile after mile of tidy
if monotonous surveyor’s quadrants.
And by the time places like Utah were in line for statehood in the
1890s, ideas about conservation and potential future scarcity of natural
resources — especially timber in those days — were becoming national
priorities, leading to the first national forests beginning in the
1890s.
Fighters on the new public-lands front say the old formulas no longer
hold. But they say that they have also learned what battles to avoid,
and that some federal lands are in fact great to have around. The bills
in Utah and Arizona exempt national parks, military installations and
most national monument lands, for example — all of which, especially the
parks, have become major rural economic engines.
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